Abstract:
This paper is an attempt at contextualizing Devadasi discourse within Dalit literature as exemplified by the 18th century CE work titled, Radhika Santwanam written by a Devadasi poet Muddupalani. Celebrated as a literary masterpiece in Muddupalani's lifetime, the 584 poems written in Telegu is a narrative poem on Radhika (Radha), set in Thanjavur court and centres on the themes of desire, jealousy, and love. In focussing on the women’s perspectives of sexuality and sensibilities, the magnum opus holds the distinction of being one of the very few erotic poems written by a woman. It became a subject of controversy in the 20th century CE, and was banned in 1911 CE. The contemporary social reformers condemned it outright as a book of obscenity and also labelled the author as a fallen woman. It was only in 1947 CE, after more than a hundred years that the work was re-published and made available for public circulation. In recent times, the Devadasi voice received further stimulus with the efforts of Sandhya Mulchandani who translated the Telegu work to English with the title, The Appeasement of Radhika: Radhika Santwanam (Penguin, 2011). This paper will also gain insights into the politics of representation of Dalit literature in the context of Radhika Santwanam.
Key Words: Dalit literature, Devadasi, Politics of representation, Radhika Santwanam
Introduction:
The centrality of ‘untouchability’ in Devadasi discourse which is rooted in caste dynamics in India has been attracting increasing attention in recent years, both in academic and literary fields. The Devadasis or ‘servants of gods’ as a community of women have been an integral part of Brahmanical temples in India. Legitimised by religion, these low-caste girls are ‘married off’ to the presiding deity of a temple at pre-puberty age by their families and become victims to sexual servitude throughout their lives. In 2007 CE, a report of a research project published by the Anti-Slavery International stated that the Devadasis who practised ‘ritual sex slavery’ and ‘religious forced marriage’ belonged mainly to the Scheduled caste category numbers. The official figures of such women for the key districts in Andhra Pradesh were around 17,000, and for Karnataka, around 23,000 (Black 2). The Devadasis are today mostly identified with the Dalit community, earlier known as the outcastes and untouchables. It may be mentioned that the word dalit (broken; oppressed; downtrodden) was coined by the social reformer, Jyotirao Phule in the 19th century CE, and gained popularity as an identity around the 1960s (Rao 15). The various names by which Dalits were referred to in different parts of India are dasa, dasya, raksasa, asura, avarna, nisoda, panchama, and chandala. B.R Ambedkar used the term in 1928 CE and it was the founding of the Dalit Panthers in 1972 CE that the Dalit voice gradually spread from Maharashtra to Gujarat, Karnataka etc. The term Dalit literature was used for the first time at the conference of the Maharashtra Dalit Literature Society in 1958 CE. Writings by Dalits did exist much before this period although it was largely confined to regional literary works as it was expressed in vernacular language. The lack of, and unavailability of translated works in English has been an impediment factor for a wider dissemination of Dalit literature beyond a limited audience.
Objective
This paper is an attempt at contextualizing Devadasi discourse within Dalit literature as exemplified by the 18th century CE work titled, Radhika Santwanam written by a Devadasi poet Muddupalani. Celebrated as a literary masterpiece in Muddupalani's lifetime, the 584 poems written in Telegu is a narrative poem on Radhika (Radha), set in Thanjavur court and centres on the themes of desire, jealousy, and love. In focussing on the women’s perspectives of sexuality and sensibilities, the magnum opus holds the distinction of being one of the very few erotic poems written by a woman. It became a subject of controversy in the 20th century CE, and was banned in 1911 CE. The contemporary social reformers condemned it outright as a book of obscenity and also labelled the author as a fallen woman. It was only in 1947 CE, after more than a hundred years that the work was re-published and made available for public circulation. In recent times, the Devadasi voice received further stimulus with the efforts of Sandhya Mulchandani who translated the Telegu work to English with the title, The Appeasement of Radhika: Radhika Santwanam (Penguin, 2011). This paper will also gain insights into the politics of representation of Dalit literature in the context of Radhika Santwanam.
Theoretical framework
The Devadasi tradition practised in different parts of India exemplifies the intersectional oppression of caste and gender structures (Geetha 89). Dalit women are mostly illiterate, having been excluded historically from the doors of education due to the caste system in India. It may be said they are a community who have been muted because of the circumstances, and even where some references to them are found, they have been victims of the patriarchial ideology prevalent in their society. Gopal Guru (2549) introduced of the term ‘dalit patriarchy’ to explain that in the post-Ambedkarite period, Dalit men have dominated the Dalit literary which brings to centre-stage the challenges faced by Dalit women in making their voices heard, even within the Dalit literature. It must be noted that ‘caste-based feminist inquiry offers the only theoretical vantage point for comprehensively addressing gender-based injustices’ (Arya and Rathore). It is in this context that the various challenges encountered in the efforts to publish Radhika Santwanam in its entirety must be examined - within the history of feminist struggles in India and beyond.
Devadasis and Dalit History
The history of Devadasi system forms an important aspect of the socio-cultural history of India through its ancient, medieval and modern periods. An overview of the Devadasi system will give an insight into the position of women as also gender implications in Indian history. Although the Devadasis in different pasrt of India cannot be categorized as a homogenous group due to the specific historical and cultural context; yet, the common thread that binds them is their exploitation within the matrix of caste and patriarchy. In early literary works, the Devadasi tradition finds mention in Meghdoot, a lyric poem composed by Kalidasa dated to about the 5th century CE. It describes that ‘the Mahakal Temple of Ujjain every evening was inebriated with the rhythm of Devadasi’s jingling anklets’. Kalhana’s notable work entitled, Rajatarangini of the 12th century CE also has references to the ‘temple women’ in the context of the king of Kashmir named Lohaditya, who married one of the temple dancers. There was another Kashmir king by the name Durlava who had a Devadasi as his second wife. The Rajatarangini further mentions a tradition in Kashmir where some kings presented hundred women to a Siva temple. In Karnataka there is an age-old tradition of donating girls to the service of the deity Yellamma. This system was also known to have prevailed in West Bengal where more than hundred Devadasis became associated with temples. An Arab account mentions that there were three hundred female dancers who performed at the gate of the Somnath temple. The earliest inscriptional reference to a Devadasi in India and recorded in Prakrit language is dated to the 3rd century BCE and found in the Jogimara cave on Ramgarh hill in Chhattisgarh.
The Devadasis are known by various names in different parts of India, viz; Cottikal, Kanikaiyar, Koyil, Makkal, Pinakkal (Tamilnadu), Attakari, Kudikkari, Kootachi (Kerala), Jogti, Poti, Sani, and Suleyar or Suli (Karnataka), Bhogam (Andhra Pradesh), Maharis (Orissa), and Natis (Assam). Dedicated to temple deities from as early as 7 years old, they are trained in the arts of dance and music and have contributed to preserving the heritage of dance rituals in India. The status of the Devadasis changed over time, from respectable position of being ‘eternal wives of the divine who is never widowed’ - to being ostracised as prostitutes. The exchange of Devadasis temples and the royal courts was an accepted practice. It was not uncommon for some Devadasis with ‘rare beauty and accomplishments’ to become consorts of kings, attain respectable status and enjoy the comfort of living in palaces. There is the case of Phuleshwari of the Ahom kingdom in medieval Assam history who ruled as the ‘Bar-Raja’ or ‘Chief king’ on the advice of the royal astrologers. This situation was on account of the King Siva Singha being told that the rule by his queen Phuleswari was the only way out to avoid his rule being shortened. The issue of coins by the Ahom king for his queen is significant since the latter was a Devadasi herself. In the Rajarajeshwar temple at Tanjore there were about four hundred Devadasis who were part of the temple management, and they were only second in importance to the temple priests. They were bestowed with gifts of land, property and jewellery by wealthy and royal patrons. Although there are some variations in the practise of the Devadasi system in the different states, yet, a common feature is that they mostly belong to the lower caste of a community and are exploited in the name of religious tradition.
By the early 20th century CE, the British abolished the system in India as the Devadasis were looked upon as temple prostitutes. In the states of Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka, the state legislation passed laws in the 1980s that made Devadasi rituals and ceremonies illegal, and recognized the marriages of Devadasi as legal. Yet, the system is still practised predominantly across some states such as of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa and Assam. The changes in the political history of India with advent of colonial rule meant the end of royal patronage and support of the temple management to which the Devadasis were attached. The Devadasis are now listed as Scheduled Castes under Article 341(1) of the Constitution of India. They continue to suffer from gross violation of human rights including child rights as laid down in the international Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989. There have been attempts to put an end to put an end to the Devadasi system and some of the legislations passed were: The Bombay Devadasis Protection Act-1934, The Tamil Nadu Devadasis (Prevention of Dedication) Act-1947, The Prohibition of Dedication Act of Karnataka-1982, and The Andhra Pradesh Devadasis (Prohibition of dedication) Act-1988. It may be noted that religion, caste domination, patriarchy and poverty are the main reasons why the Devadasi system still persists in some states despite the legal provisions for its abolition.
Radhika Santwanam and Dalit Feminism
Radhika Santwanam is set in Thanjavur, an erstwhile kingdom which was ruled by various dynasties before it came under British administration in the 18th century CE. Since the time of the Nayak dynasty (1532-1673 CE), the kings were known for their devotion and patronage to dance, music and literature which went a long way in the sustenance of the rich aesthestic heritage of the kingdom. In fact, from the 17th century Ce to the 19th century CE Thanjavur proved to be the fertile ground for the flourishing of languages such as Tamil, Telegu, and Sanskrit and it is said that court also encouraged writing by Devadasi women. Muddupalani belonged to the Devadasi community and was a consort of the Maratha king of Thanjavur, Pratapsimha (1739-1763 CE), who himself was a lover of music, arts and literature. Though not much details are available on the life of the Devadasi, her scholarly background is reflected in her epic work, Radhika Santawanam in which she describes herself as an incomparable woman who won acclaim in arts, and to whom epics were dedicated. Further, she also writes that she was felicitated with gifts and money (Tharu and Lalita 116-17). Muddupalani is proud of her lineage, being the granddaughter of the court dancer Tanjanayaki and the daughter of a talented courtesan, Rama Vadhuti. Some scholars suggests that the work may have been her autobiography, an epic poem inspired by Krishna who is said to have came in her dreams. This was made known to her guru, Viraraghava-degika and other eminent scholars of the time, and she was then said to have been advised to compose the book and dedicate it to the god. Muddupalani also had other literary works to her credit viz; Ashtapadi, a Telegu translation of Jayadeva’s work, and another translation of Thiruppavai by Andal.
The first version of Radhika Santwanam edited by Paidipati Venkatanarsu, a linguist was published in 1887 CE (reprinted in 1907 CE) and this brought to light some aspects of Muddupalani’s profile as an eminent poet. This was based on the version of the Telegu scholar and Orientalist lexicographer C.P. Brown and available at the Oriental Manuscripts Library. Nagaratnamma (1878-1952 CE), an erudite scholar, distinguished Carnatic Musician and Bharatanatyam dancer from Bangalore and belonging to the Devadasi community came across Radhika Satwanam and commented as thus: “This work is overflowing with rasamu (aesthetic or taste) as it is not only written by a woman, but by a woman who was born into the same community (devadasi tradition) as mine, I intend to edit and publish it in a proper form.” Thus, it took Nagaratnamma, another Devadasi Dalit woman to retrieve the work of a woman from her community in the mission to find the original palm leaf manuscript, which she succeeded to publish in 1910 CE. However, the publication attracted wide criticism as it was looked upon as an erotic poem.
A Telugu scholar, critic and social reformer Kandukuri Veeresalingam Pantulu had a mixed reaction on the reedited version published by Bengalore Nagaratnamma. Although he praised it as an ideal admixture of Telugu and Sanskrit, he criticised the work and claimed that he was shocked by its contents which he termed as inappropriate and indecent. He states thus: ‘Several references in the book are disgraceful and inappropriate for women to hear, let alone be uttered from a woman’s mouth’. Addressing Muddupalani with derogatory pronouns throughout the commentary, he even remarked that the woman poet used the obscene language as she was a lowly woman. Further, comparing Muddupalani to women poets such as Kummari Molla (16th century CE Dalit author of Molla Ramayan) and Mohanangi (16th century CE author of Mariciparinaya), Veeresalingam opined that these women poets also wrote padyakavyamulu (epic poems) but did not write in indecent manner as they were ‘chaste and honourable women’ unlike Muddupalani. (Chenchiah and Rao 103). Radhika Santwanam was banned in 1912 CE on the ground that the literary expressions on the dalliance of Radha and Krishna were of erotic nature. The context was British India, a period of the rising colonial power which introduced reforms in many spheres, and which were initiated in accordance with their perspective of education, modernity and public life. A fallout of the introduction of a Victorian sense of morality into Indian culture also went hand in hand with a value system that viciously attacked women who possessed liberty and autonomy of any kind. The ban on the controversial epic poem was finally withdrawn in 1947 CE by T. Prakasam, formerly chief minister of the erstwhile Madras Presidency of British India.
The Appeasement of Radhika (Mulchandani 2011), as the editor puts it has two interesting aspects- ‘that a courtesan has written it; and that a lot of people do not know that South India was ruled by Marathas, the descendants of Shivaji, for more than two hundred years’. Muddupalani herself was a scholar in her own right and was well versed in Sanskrit, Tamil and Telugu. Mulchandani remarks that a major portion of the contents of the epic poem relates to cultural aspects such as rituals that celebrate the tradition of a girl coming of age. The tale revolves around the relation between a young Krishna and his aunt Radhika, a married woman who brings up Ila Devi and gives her in marriage to Krishna. Krishna is depicted as a doomed man torn between two women, the strong-willed Radhika (Radha), and a crafty young girl Ila. Radhika come across as a strong woman, explicitly seeking pleasure as she struggles to bear the pain of separation from Krishna whom she desires herself. When Krishna finally rushes back to appease the heartbroken Radha, she kicks him away in anger, taking him back into her life only when he has sufficiently apologised. In the translated work, Mulchandani writes that Muddupalani’s grandmother Tanjanayaki (who had adopted Muddupalani’s father Muthyalu), too, had been the consort of king Pratapsimha, but was displaced by Muddupalani. The king having paid attention to the older woman in later years led to Muddupalani becomimg jealous in the turn of affairs. The narrative content of Radhika Santawanam which is centred on the themes of betrayal and jealousy may be seen as a literature of protest in the context of the author’s real-life experiences.
It may be mentioned that autobiographies, life narratives, and short stories form a major part of Dalit literature. This genre of literary works is social and objective which is inspired by a Dalit perspective and reflecting Dalit consciousness. There is a debate whether Dalit literature refers to works by Dalits themselves or whether the scope expands to include all literature written on the Dalits. As Sarukkai (4045) opines: ‘authorship is an important criterion in distinguishing experience and theory’…..in the case of the Dalits, the oppressor and the oppressed are both part of a system, and the Dalit as the oppressed is not the author of the experience as they are in a situation which is not created by them and has no control over it. In principle, we can theorise about another person’s experience because there is a space within that experience which is not related to the experiencer’.
Dalit Literature and Contemporary Relevance
It is well recognized that Dalit literature has emerged as a very influential genre in contemporary writings as a ‘literature of protest’ with focus on social exclusion and human rights. Some well-known writers and works of Dalit literature include: Arjun Dangle (Poisoned Bread, No Entry for the Sun), Bama (Karukku, Sangati), Gogu Shyamala (Father may be an Elephant, and Mother only a Small Basket, but...), G. Kalyan Rao (Untouchable Spring), Meena Kandasamy (Ms. Militancy, Touch, The Gypsy Goddess), Om Prakash Valmiki (Joothan, Dalit Sahitya Ka Saundaryshaastra), S.K. Limbale (Akkarmashi, Towards an Aesthetics of Dalit Literature), and Urmila Pawar (Aidan (Weave), Kavanch, A Childhood Tale), An event in Indian history that gave a boost to the expanding form of literature was the fallout of the Mandal Commission Report in the 1990s which related to reservations in higher education and government services for the backward classes or other backwards castes. The upper caste biases led to confrontations in various ways and the Dalit women forum called the National Federation of Dalit Women formed in 1994 CE was an outcome of this activism.
Conclusion:
Muddupalani’s treatment of the popular love-poem of Krishna comes across as a dominant discourse in the Dalit literature. Radhika Santwanam is an unconventional literary piece in that she highlights the domineering role of a female in representing the dalliance of Radha and Krishna. It is the woman’s indulgence that takes precedence and forms the central theme of the epic work. The reimagining of Devadasis also brings into play the issue of empowerment of this community. What needs to be focussed is the ‘politics of representation’ around the text that has accompanied the publication of Radhika Santwanam in its journey from the 18th century CE to the 21st century CE. Contextualized within the category of Dalit literature, the epic exemplifies the intersections of class, caste and patriarchy; and the way Dalit women are caught in the web of ‘dalit patriarchy’. It is worthwhile to mention that literary narratives, like all kinds of narratives, are reflections of the culture and society in which it is situated. There are no communities that do not tell their stories in some way or another as all societies depict their worldview through their narratives (Festino 26). Radhika Santwanam is viewed through the lens of major shifts in socio-cultural and political ideologies which is indicative of the historical processes of Devadasi tradition and Dalit movement in India. The kingdom of Thanjavur was a centre of great cultural activities with patronage given by the kings which lost its glory with the advent of British rule. The women who played a central role in the maintenance of the temples as dancers, singers etc. lost their status in the society and were forced to take up prostitution to eke a living.
The contemporary literary world has seen an emergence of Dalit literature particularly of the Ambedkarites which centres on portrayal of agonizing reality. As a powerful weapon of protest in India, the Dalits through the writing of their literature, aim at freeing themselves from the clutches of their position imposed by the caste system. Dr Ambedkar’s contribution is a fine example of the way in which literature in the form of newspapers, magazines etc. were used effectively in the movement for social change. Through the publication of Mooknayak in 1920 he charted on a revolutionary path in the struggle to uplift the depressed community. In a globalized world, the role of the media is crucial in dissemination of knowledge and this is particularly relevant in the context of Dalit literature. The media must take a proactive role in gender sensitization and awareness campaigns to give voice to the subalterns. Dalit women have been referred to as the Dalits among the Dalits (John 458). Needless to say, the voices of Dalit women must become part of mainstream discourse in the strive towards ending all forms of discrimination and human rights violations of this marginalized community.
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