‘Nupi Lan and Beyond’: Positioning Manipuri Women in the Centre Stage in M.K. Binodini’s The Maharaja’s Household
Abstract:
Every state in the North East region of India exhibits a rich culture and tradition. It is also interesting to note the varied positions of women among the different indigenous tribes of the states. However, it is not an exaggeration to state that the women of Manipur have always enjoyed a special status in the society and have played an active role in shaping the history of Manipur.
The term ‘Nupi Lan’, which loosely translates to mean women’s war, has been an important movement in the history of Manipur. Waged by the Manipuri women in 1904 and 1939, these two historical wars brought women to the centre stage in the rebellion against the British imperialists.
This paper takes the trope of ‘Nupi Lan’ to explore the struggles of Manipuri women to find their place in a patriarchal setup. While doing so, the study is based on a memoir set in the backdrop of the British colonial regime in Manipur, noted author M.K. Binodini Devi’s The Maharaja’s Household (2015). While exploring the position of the women in Binodini’s memoir, the study draws parallels to women’s situations from narratives of different genres, from Manipuri folktales to short stories to personal essays and most importantly to noted journalist, Teresa Rehman’s book, The Mothers of Manipur (2017), the story of the twelve women whose naked protest against the Indian Army in July 2004 had brought Manipur to the headlines in global media.
Keywords: Nupi Lan, Manipur, Maharaja Churachand, patriarchy, Indian Army, gender
Manipur is widely recognized as an Indian state which celebrates rich culture and the exquisite indigenous habitat. It is no doubt that the state of Manipur is considered to be one among the most laurelled and treasured state, with many ethnic cultural differences coexisting within the community, and yet exhibiting a vibrant culture and tradition. Ranging from the very aspect of bringing about their interest in sports, music, dances and the colourful festivals, the people of Manipur exalt the wide variety of culture and practices found within the state. It is also of immense interest to a scholar of North East India’s culture and tradition to understand the varied status and position of women that one notices among the different indigenous tribes who inhabit the region. Studies in this direction showcase that several authors from the north east region of India have focused on the status of women in their literary texts. Contemporary writers from Nagaland, such as, Temsula Ao and Easterine Kire; writers from Assam, such as, Jahnavi Baruah, Uddipana Goswami, Indira Goswami and Mitra Phukan; Mamang Dai from Arunachal Pradesh and Malsawmi Jacob from Mizoram are some of the authors who focus on women’s conditions and their roles in the family and larger community. Such texts are a much welcome change in the midst of a continuous flow of literature and media reports filled with the gory details of violence, bloodshed and several other stories of underdevelopment and politics that have been a part and parcel of the north east India’s identity.
In this context, this study aims at an exploration of the Manipuri women’s position as portrayed in M.K. Binodini Devi’s book, The Maharaja’s Household (2015). The text, set during the colonial times, becomes an important means of studying the status of women at various levels of the society, right from the royalty to the commoners. The author, being an insider, is able to present the situation in an authentic manner. The fact that she is the daughter of Maharaja Churachand Singh and is therefore, a princess, gives her access to observe the intricate details of the palace life and its women. While the study is based on Binodini’s memoir, it also draws parallels to Manipuri women’s situations from narratives of different genres, from Manipuri folktales to short stories to personal essays and most importantly to noted journalist, Teresa Rehman’s book, The Mothers of Manipur (2017), the story of the twelve women whose naked protest against the Indian Army in July 2004 had brought Manipur to the headlines in global media. The study uses the trope of ‘Nupi Lan’, the women’s war waged by the Manipuri women against the British imperialists, to study the position of the rebellious spirit of the women of this state and to explore these voices as recorded in literature.
M.K. Binodini Devi was the youngest of the five daughters born to Maharaja Churachand Singh and Maharani Dhanamanjuri Devi of Manipur. Binodini Devi did her early schooling in Nabadwip and Shillong and completed her education at Viswa Bharti University in Shantiniketan and became the first woman graduate of Manipur. Her love and interest towards art and literature can be seen much in terms of her massive contribution towards Manipuri literature. Her work includes novel, short stories, plays, screen plays, and essays. She was a recipient of the Padmashree award and her novel Boro Sahib Ongbi Sanatombi (1976) which highlighted “…the difference in treatment in the royal palace between those who bore sons and those who only produced daughters” (Binodini xix) bagged her, the Sahitya Akademi Award. The author in The Maharaja’s Household, a collection thirty-four essays, published between the year 2002 and 2007 in a Manipuri newspaper, takes the readers on a tour to the vast royal palace during the reign of Maharaja Churachand Singh. The essence of this book is interwoven together by the emotions and the memories of the author whose memory of her early life sparked when she encountered the picture of her childless stepmother, Maharaja Churachand’s fourth wife, Chetanamanjuri Tampak, Maid of Chongtham, which inspired her to write the book. Writing in that sense also acts as a strategy to establish the author’s individuality and identity in a largely patriarchal world. In this context, we are reminded of the two historic wars waged by the Manipuri women in 1904 and 1939 against mass exploitation and artificial famine triggered by the British imperialists. These two Nupi Lans evolved into movements for the constitutional and administrative reform in Manipur. Many of the valiant Manipuri women, who had taken to the road, against the British policies lost their lives in the agitation. The Nupi Lan movement contributed much to the making of Manipur and give us a proper insight to the women’s status and position in the Manipuri society.
Taking the trope of the ‘Nupi Lan’, we can understand the spirit of rebelliousness in the Manipuri women and how that spirit finds place in Binodini’s narrative as well. Writing was not an easy path for a woman and early in life, Binodini was admonished by her teacher, Oja Salam Tombi, when during her time at Tamphasana Girls High School, she had written a short story and had shown it to him. She, however, does not stop at this hurdle and continues writing. Binodini makes her purpose of writing the memoir very clear right from the beginning. The book does not in any way claim to be the biography of the monarch, Maharaja Churachand Singh, but rather explores the life of several people living or associated with the palace but in the periphery of the royal life. Thus, even though there are chapters dedicated to the king’s life and times but the focus keeps shifting to the several queens, the author’s sisters and even to the common women who are a part and parcel of the palace. As the readers course through the loosely connected essays, several women, primarily the many queens and consorts of the king are brought forth in front of the readers’ eyes. Binodini’s narrative then serves the purpose of illuminating the dark recesses of the lives of the many women who play important roles in the shaping of her identity in later years.
In the large palace, Binodini’s attention seems to be diverted towards the inner quarters of her royal mothers and thus, she places them at the centre stage of her book in contrast to the Manipuri society’s traditional patriarchal system. As per Manipuri custom, the king was allowed to have five queens and the author lists down their hierarchical positions –
1. Leimarenbi (Maharani)
2. Apambi Ahal (Rani)
3. Leimakhubi Ahal (Rani)
4. Apambi Naha (Rani)
5. Leimakhubi Naha (Rani) (Binodini 5)
The sixth queen was not given a title but lived in the royal palace itself. The king goes beyond the prescribed number as per the custom and takes several consorts as well. Binodini finds this system of a joint and extended family rather appealing during her childhood days and recollects fondly her close association with the several mothers and siblings who lived together in the huge palace. Her narrative also highlights the position of common women, such as, the wives of the jamadars and subedars of the Manipur police with whose children the author and her siblings played freely without restriction. Interesting also to note is the mention of the wet-nurses who assume an important role in the royal palace. Binodini very frequently mentions her wet-nurse, Tolchoubi, whom she thought was her own mother for a very long time. She mentions quite often in the narrative about never being close to her parents and in this connection throws light on the position of the wet-nurses in the palace. She says, “We slept with our respective wet-nurses in separate rooms, in separate beds. So, I used to call my wet-nurse ‘Mother’. I grew up on her milk. For that reason, the wet-nurses of the palace were women who held a very high status.” (Binodini 29) Binodini’s involvement with other common women can also be seen in several of her short stories as well. Thus, we see Binodini lending voices to “…characters such as Tharo, whose husband’s delinquency forces her to become a servant in the palace…. or Nganngbiton, who…comes to work in the palace to win her palanquin bearer husband who had deserted her for another woman….” (Binodini xxv) Writing, then, in Binodini’s case truly serves the purpose of bringing to forefront women of different classes associated with the royal household in a patriarchal setup.
A close reading of Binodini’s narrative highlights the prominence of her birthmother, the Maid of Ngangbam, also known as Ibemcha. Being the senior most queen, she held a high status in the royal household. Binodini recognizes the elevated position of the chief queen primarily due to her intelligence and thus even in a monarchial rule she “…was consulted frequently by the king, she often accompanied him on formal and state occasions.” (Binodini 29) Maharani Dhanamanjuri had also accompanied the king to the Delhi Durbar when King George V and Queen Mary had made a visit to India. The maharani also had the privilege of taking decisions of certain courtly and financial matters. For instance, the author remembers her mother underwriting all the film screening and machine expenses of Tada Gunamani, who was the first person to have a license to screen films in Manipur. Highlighting the high status of Manipuri women, Dr. Nunglekpam Premi Devi, an independent scholar, believes that they are very strong, powerful, brave, self-reliant and independent, traces of which we find in women like the Lady Ngangbam. In a patriarchal system which approved polygamy, Maharani Dhanamanjuri’s position is not only because of being the chief queen but also due to the king’s deep love for her. Binodini understands the special relationship between the couple and thus states –
Even though Sovereign Father took four more wives after her as approved by tradition, he placed the Lady Ngangbam at an especially elevated rank and gave her the full status of a maharani. He took her everywhere that he went, and shared his secrets with her. He took care of his daughters. So, people said, ‘The Lady Ngangbam knows the black arts. She has cast her dark spells and ensnared the king.’ (Binodini 127)
In Binodini’s narrative, the king’s love for his first wife and their marriage, while they were merely in their teens, brings the monarch to the common man’s level. The author views the king’s courtship to Lady Ngangbam not from the lens of the palace customs. She rather brings a sense of authenticity in the actions of the ‘child king’ Maharaja Churachand who had fallen head over heels in love for the first time and therefore, “…would often come on horseback to Ngangbam after people had gone to bed and bang and stamp on the steps and the verandah.” (Binodini 127) The special relationship thus formed during youth continues and Maharani Dhanamanjuri rather enjoys an elevated status not merely as the chief queen but also as the king’s advisor and guide even in a patriarchal set up.
While we take note of the high status of the Lady Ngangbam in the royal household, it also becomes imperative to pay attention to the other women of the palace. In this connection, it is seen that Binodini’s attention very frequently rests on the fourth queen of Maharaja Churachand, Lady Chongtham or Tampak, who is also acknowledged as the inspiration for writing the book. With this the author brings to forefront the position of women in the royal families who were either childless or could not produce male heirs. Binodini focuses on these childless women of the palace; her sisters-in-law, the wives that Bodhchandra took when he was the Crown Prince – Rampyari, the Princess of Borokhemji and Maharani Ishwari of Ramnagar – as well as Maharaja Churachand’s fourth wife, Tampak, Maid of Chongtham. The patriarchal society of Manipur regards these women as ‘flawed’ and they had to suffer disapprovals and punishment too. In the first chapter of the book dedicated to the author’s stepmother, Tampak, Binodini wonders about the difficulties that this woman might have faced in the palace due to her childless status. She writes – “…did you sigh with the pain of being childless? I know now, in the life of a woman in the royal palace, being childless is an enormous defeat.” (Binodini 3) In subsequent pages of the book, the author continuously visits this thought, highlighting the difficulties of a childless woman in a patriarchal set up.
In the same line, she also focuses on women who could not produce male heirs as their situation was also equivalent to that of the childless women. Binodini takes her own case and records – “When my sovereign father heard of the impending delivery, he ran to the royal delivery room. But the Lady Ngangbam was heartbroken, the king was heartbroken: I was their fifth daughter.” (Binodini 10) In a patriarchal society, where lineage is passed through the male line, the birth of girl child is seen as a fruitless activity. Therefore, Binodini’s mother, the Lady Ngangbam, is forced to adopt Prince Joysingh, the son of her sister who was also the third wife of Maharaja Churachand.
However, even though male children are required to carry forward the family line, we do not find anywhere in the book that girls were neglected. In line with the trope of the historical ‘Nupi Lan’, we find Teresa Rehman’s interview with Ima Jamini a portrayal of the collectivity of women’s strength in Manipuri society – “Once we are out of the house and are with women, we don’t care about our family and mundane affairs. Ours is a community in itself. We don’t care what husbands, sons or our daughters-in-law will think. We feel empowered to take our own decisions.” (xx) It is also interesting to note in Binodini’s narrative the repeated mention of gender roles and women’s identity as prevalent in the then Manipur. In this connection, we find mention of Manipuri belief system on gods and goddesses. In a folktale titled ‘Make the Birds Sing’, the readers come across the familiarity and comfort that people have with goddesses and therefore, while defending the worship of goddess Tulsi, a woman says – “…praying to goddess Tulsi is like making friends. Friends are forgiving and you can easily make up if you make any mistakes. Men gods can get angry easily and it is difficult to pacify them.” (Oinam 1) This belief system highlights the position that women have in the society. In traditional Manipuri culture, the identity of the women is tagged with the identification of her birth family. Binodini records the case of her birth mother Ibemcha, the Maid of Ngangbam, who came to be known as ‘Ngangbi’, the Lady of Ngangbam, after the marriage. In the introductory chapter of Binodini’s book, she writes of Chada Laibui, the ancient Manipuri manuscript which “…records the ancestry of queens and queen mothers and shows the roots of Manipuri kings through their women. We see that it records not only women’s married family names and clans but also their maiden names and family clans.” (Binodini xviii) In this context, it is also important to note the way that the author mentions incidents concerning several women of the palace to portray their gender role and identity even in a patriarchal set up. A good example of the same can be seen in Binodini’s reminiscences of her maternal grandmother who was a self-made woman and with her sheer determination and hard work had become wealthy. The author also fondly recollects how her grandmother had joined her husband once in chasing away a band of robbers without any fear.
Representation of intelligent women finds place in several Manipuri short stories as well. Tayenjam Bijoykumar Singh in his article portrays the same through the story ‘Yum Panba’ by Sarvajit Singh which represents the role of a woman in running the family. The author narrates the story of Leiren Babu who asks his wife to curtail household expenses. The wife in turn requests him to try his hand at the same and after several attempts at buying groceries, cooking, etc., the husband “fails miserably and admits his defeat.” (Zama 100) Even though narrated in a light-hearted manner, such stories bring to light the superior position of the women. Representations of wise women abound in Manipuri folktales too. In a story titled ‘My Friend Thanmei’, James Oinam portrays a wise woman similar to Binodini’s grandmother who “gifted with the power of distant vision” (40) is able to fool a thief with her practical wisdom. The story ‘The Secret of Lai Khutsangbi’ also features an intelligent woman who is able to fool the wicked Lai Khutsangbi and save her child. In a similar manner, the Manipuri women’s position is further highlighted in the mention of the author Binodini’s sister-in-law Princess Ishwari who “ran for office as a candidate for Member of Parliament for inner Manipur….” (Binodini 59) Binodini herself, while in Shillong, gets immersed in politics. Through her friend, she gets to know many in the Communist Party who were fugitives and had hid many of their outlawed publications. Amidst several patriarchal restrictions, it is important to note from Binodini’s narrative the elevated position of the Manipuri women and how they negotiated their identity beyond gender stereotypes.
Binodini’s book offers many more such insights on women’s development in the Manipuri society. The author mentions time and again that education of the girl children of the family was given importance. She recollects the support that was given by her sovereign father in this matter. Even though her two elder sisters, Tamphasana and Tombiyaima, did not go to school, their education was not neglected. They were highly educated for their time and had very good command over the English language. The girls of the palace were also given lessons in horse riding, tennis, shooting and other forms of sports. This kind of forward push given to girls can be seen widely in the Manipuri society. In a story titled ‘The Hound’ by Linthoi Chanu, a mother is heard of mentioning the mental strength that she expects from her daughter – “She is fine. She should learn how to tackle these kinds of situations. It is normal in our family now. What do you expect? To raise her like a princess? She should be learning how to kick them in their crotches by now.” (20) Thus, Binodini mentions the whole hearted support of her father in all these activities and the encouragement that he provided to her mother when she strove to educate her daughters. The king is particularly pleased when Binodini passed her matriculation examination in 1939. Even though all his sons had attended schools and colleges, Binodini was the first daughter of the royal family to go to school, whereas the other daughters had studied with tutors at home. The king further decided to send his daughter to Shillong for further studies which was quite a revolutionary idea during that time. Whereas Binodini and one of her friends, who had passed the examination, went to Shillong, two other girls went on to study medicine. The memoir, thus, showcases how Manipuri girls way back then itself, were breaking various gender stereotypes.
Binodini’s narrative serves the purpose of documenting the development of Manipuri women of her times living in a patriarchal society. This spirit of development and revolutionary zeal is seen at a much later point of time in the case of Irom Sharmila whose “…unprecedented gesture…of turning her body into a weapon of resistance was a precursor to that defiant disrobing in front of the Kangla Fort four years later.” (Rehman xv) The Maharaja’s Household (2015) sets the momentum to appreciate this daring of the Manipuri women and the author Binodini’s development as a writer and a woman who broke gender stereotypes and made a name for herself in a restrictive patriarchal society.
Works Cited